drat fink
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too legit to quip
damn that ethel and his research --
Instruments of Statecraft: us guerrilla warfare, counterinsurgency and counterterrorism (1940-1990)
eurobowling for petrodollars
Crude Vision: How Oil Interests Obscured US Government Focus On Chemical Weapons Use by Saddam Hussein
punkrock city, usaf
the antic muse on potential punkrock band names to emerge from the fray. my first editions would be Siege of Basra and The J-DAMs.
nothing to see here
hey, my first instapundit link. can a subscription to the weakly standard be far behind? cant argue with this, though.
theres no ass in texas
who could imagine dr. seuss and sodomy would make strange bedfellows at the supreme court lodge?
that swinger over at harvard has more.
neocontactics
"When the histories of the U.S.-Iraqi war are written, someone is going to have to track down when exactly the neoconservatives sold the Brooklyn Bridge to our president.
I don’t mean the idea of the war itself, though the neocons have been promoting it ever since Poppy Bush let Saddam off the hook in 1991. I have in mind, rather, the notion that the war would unleash the genie of democracy throughout the Middle East, that with our victory would come a quantum leap in America’s prestige and reputation. Television would beam to all the world heartwarming images of U.S. troops being rapturously received as they speed across Iraq; and we would again become the liberators we were in 1944-5."
please please tell me now
"We certainly never thought it would get this big," concludes Robison. "If we did, we would have thought of a better name than the Dixie Chicks."
the revolution will be motorized
get your asymmetrical war on
radiating charm
just saw an ad for this on the msnbc feed running on nbc. who said advertisers would be scared off by proximity to war coverage?
by george
i just wanted a chance to say that if mcgovern had been elected president we wouldnt have had all these problems were dealing with now.
face off
"In the mid-1700s a new strain of Muslim extremism began to flourish in a small village in the Arabian desert—a strain that would have a profound effect on Islam and the world as a whole. As Stephen Schwartz describes it in his recent book, The Two Faces of Islam: The House of Sa'ud from Tradition to Terror, little is known about the early life of the sect's founder, Muhammad Ibn Abd al-Wahhab, except that as a young man he is thought to have traveled through much of the Ottoman empire. He returned from his travels with a belief that Islam had been corrupted and weakened by the Ottomans, and that it needed to be brought back to its roots. But his brand of "an original, authentic Islam," as Schwartz writes, was both harsher and more stripped down than the religion that the Prophet Muhammad had founded centuries before. Al-Wahhab forbade many practices and traditions that were an established part of Muslim culture, such as the celebration of the Prophet's birthday, the decoration of mosques, and the use of music in worship and daily life. But most striking was his attitude toward those people—both Muslims and non-Muslims—who didn't share his beliefs. As Schwartz describes it, "Shi'as, Sufis, and other Muslims he judged unorthodox were to be exterminated, and all other faiths were to be humiliated." Al-Wahhab soon established a political-religious alliance with a local bandit, Muhammad ibn Sa'ud, and they agreed that any territory they conquered could only be ruled by their descendants. The House of Sa'ud—which rules Saudi Arabia—is directly descended from that alliance, and Wahhabism (though Saudis don't use the term) is the religion of the regime."